Abundance meets resistance: Are Democrats finally ready to go all in on building housing?

by Jeanne Kuang


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Amid a post-2024 wave of Democratic interest in the burgeoning pro-development “abundance” movement, this seemed to be an easy year for California’s yes-in-my-backyard housing development activists. 


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Democratic leaders in the state Legislature declared their intention to tackle affordability this year. Gov. Gavin Newsom and other politicians have since embraced the “abundance” platform, which argues that Democrats must do more to quickly deliver housing, transportation and other infrastructure projects to their constituents. 

Lawmakers have introduced ambitious bills that would, for housing developments in existing neighborhoods, blow a hole through the longstanding thicket of environmental reviews and regulations that often slow down projects and add costs. One of those passed its first committee on Monday.

Still, YIMBY-ism hit a stumbling block Tuesday in the form of the Senate housing committee. The committee, led by Sen. Aisha Wahab, nearly killed a closely watched bill to require cities to allow taller, denser apartments and condo construction near public transit stations. 

Wahab said she was acting on a chorus of familiar objections from progressives and others who have long delayed housing construction in California: The legislation didn’t guarantee that projects would be built with union labor. It didn’t require that the new units be affordable for low-income residents. It could infringe on local governments’ ability to block or green-light projects. It opened up the possibility of bypassing certain environmental reviews. 

In the end, the committee voted 6-2 against Wahab’s objections to narrowly advance Senate Bill 79, by Sen. Scott Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat and prominent advocate for housing production. Some Democrats were absent or didn’t vote. The committee also killed a different Wiener bill that would have further loosened restrictions on property owners who want to split single-family homes into duplexes. It was a stark reversal from prior years in the Legislature, when Wiener chaired the housing committee and pushed through several bills to spur housing production.

The tense hearing on Tuesday exposed pro-development advocates’ mounting frustrations with Wahab. It also revealed remaining hurdles for “abundance”-minded Democrats in a progressive Legislature where lawmakers who say they want to increase housing construction are nevertheless prone to tacking on price controls, labor agreements and other regulations to appease various constituencies. 

In an interview Wednesday, Wahab said she’s looking out for tenants and would-be homebuyers. Despite laws making the building process easier over the past few years, she said, California is still far behind its production goals, rents haven’t fallen and lawmakers have encouraged the development of rental units that don’t always work for working-class families.

“Because there is such a need right now, developers are seizing the moment and experimenting with options that are truly a sweetheart deal for them,” she said. “There are no guardrails for regular California.”

That lawmakers voted to advance the bill despite Wahab’s opposition indicates some are ready to override progressive concerns on housing developments, though she pointed out it was a close vote. Critics predict debates like these will ultimately sink Democratic leaders’ goals of refocusing the party platform on making California affordable. 

“They’re going to blow it,” said Senate Minority Leader Brian Jones, a San Diego Republican, of the Democrats’ affordability agenda earlier this month. “They still believe in government control. They’ll release this regulation, but not this other one. They’re not willing to deregulate enough.”

Senate Pro Tem Mike McGuire, who appointed Wahab as committee chair, did not respond to inquiries about how Wahab’s stances and the debate over what limits to place on development affects his affordability agenda. He instead issued a statement saying that finding “innovative solutions” to the housing crisis “is at the top of the Senate’s agenda.”

“While it’s still early in the legislative session and in the committee hearing process, there are dozens of housing bills that legislators are having meaningful and honest conversation and debate on,” he said. “I trust we’ll have significant housing legislation advance this year.”

Wiener would not say whether he has asked McGuire to step in, but said he was confident a growing number of lawmakers agree with his approach to make it easier to build.

YIMBYs fight more cautious approach

Pro-development activists have clashed with Wahab since last month, when, during her first hearing as chair of the housing committee, she questioned the effectiveness of policies that have loosened restrictions on the dense, urban, sometimes parking-less projects that are central to the YIMBY platform of bringing down rents by increasing the supply of market-rate housing.

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The state’s most controversial housing bill in years just died

Housing apartmentThe most controversial state housing bill in recent memory died with a pretty resounding thud.

Senate Bill 827, which would have forced cities to allow taller, denser development around public transit, got only four votes on the 13-member Senate Committee on Transportation and Housing. Both Democrat and Republican lawmakers voted against the bill.

Authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, Democrat from San Francisco, the bill would have allowed developers to build five-story apartment buildings near major public transit stops, including neighborhoods previously zoned for single family homes. The bill received a ton of media attention, including a fairly flattering write-up on the front page of the New York Times.

Urbanist “Yes In My Backyard” (YIMBY) groups mourned the bill’s death as yet another roadblock to building the new housing the state so desperately needs. Cities and anti-gentrification groups cheered the demise of what they viewed as an unprecedented inroad on local control.

What to make of all the hubub? Some key takeaways:

Enemies, enemies, got a lot of enemies

It’s tough for anyone to take on cities and counties, who wield enormous power in Sacramento and to whom state legislators often give considerable deference. It’s tough for anyone to take on the construction trades’ union, a major source of campaign contributions for Democratic lawmakers. It’s tough for anyone to take on equity and social justice groups, who can bend the ear of progressive legislators.

It’s really tough to take on all three at the same time. That likely wasn’t Sen. Wiener’s strategy when he first introduced SB 827, but that’s ultimately what helped doom the bill. The support of realtors, developers, YIMBYs and a handful of affordable housing advocates couldn’t muster the votes he needed.

Supporters of the bill arguably made a misstep in not courting social justice groups early enough. A flurry of amendments to protect renters from being displaced and to force developers to include units reserved for lower-income tenants failed to calm their concerns.

Last year, Wiener was able to push through a bill that stripped local control over some housing developments by getting labor and affordability advocates on his side. That bill was also part of a larger package of housing legislation that had something for everyone, including a new revenue source. Gov. Jerry Brown was a driving force behind that package.

None of that that happened this time.

The bill did spark a statewide debate on whether to up density to help remedy our housing crisis

What Wiener was attempting was truly revolutionary. You can debate how dramatically the character of a city would change by building a five-story apartment building next to a single family home. But taking away the power of local governments to block those types of developments was a pretty radical step—a step that a growing number of Californians think is necessary to prevent cities from obstructing new housing.

The bill received a ton of media attention, both in California and nationally. It garnered support from prominent urban planners, environmentalists and civil rights advocates. It’s both cliche and premature to say it shifted the needle on the housing debate. But it certainly framed the conversation squarely around the state’s role in compelling cities to build.

Expect something like this to come back soon.  

Nearly every Democratic legislator who voted against SB 827 caveated their opposition by praising the bill’s vision and audacity. Sen. Jim Beall, Democrat from San Jose and chair of the housing committee, said at the hearing that while he couldn’t support the bill in its current form, he was eager to work on something like it in the months ahead.

Could SB 827 ever rise from the dead? Well for his part, Wiener has vowed to re-introduce something like it in the future. Combining his push for density around transit stations with a broader mix of tenant protections and new funding for affordable housing could make it more palatable to the interest groups Wiener needs to succeed.

This article was originally published by CalMatters.org