Lawsuits against ICE agents would be allowed under proposed California law

  • Proposed legislation would allow Californians to sue federal immigration agents over constitutional violations such as excessive force and unlawful searches.
  • The Senate committee advanced the bill after a Minnesota woman’s fatal shooting by a Department of Homeland Security agent and the alleged improper detention of a California Army veteran.
  • Law enforcement representatives expressed concerns that the bill could have unintended consequences for California’s state and local police officers, not just federal agents.

SACRAMENTO — A week after a Minnesota woman was fatally shot by a federal immigration officer, California legislators moved forward a bill that would make it easier for people to sue federal agents if they believe their constitutional rights were violated.

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A Senate committee passed Senate Bill 747 by Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), which would provide Californians with a stronger ability to take legal action against federal law enforcement agents over excessive use of force, unlawful home searches, interfering with a right to protest and other violations.

California law already allows such suits against state and local law enforcement officials.

Successful civil suits against federal officers over constitutional rights are less common.

Wiener, appearing before Tuesday’s Senate Judiciary Committee hearing, said his bill has taken on new urgency in the wake of the death of Renee Nicole Good in Minnesota, the 37-year-old mother of three who was shot while driving on a snowy Minneapolis street.

Good was shot by an agent in self-defense, said Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, who alleged that Good tried to use her car as a weapon to run over the immigration officer.

Good’s death outraged Democratic leaders across the country, who accuse federal officers of flouting laws in their efforts to deport thousands of undocumented immigrants. In New York, legislators are proposing legislation similar to the one proposed by Wiener that would allow state-level civil actions against federal officers.

George Retes Jr., a U.S. citizen and Army veteran who was kept in federal custody for three days in July, described his ordeal at Tuesday’s committee hearing, and how immigration officers swarmed him during a raid in Camarillo.

Retes, a contracted security guard at the farm that was raided, said he was brought to Port Hueneme Naval Base. Officials swabbed his cheek to obtain DNA, and then moved him to Metropolitan Detention Center in Los Angeles. He was not allowed to make a phone call or see an attorney, he said.

Click here to read the full article in the LA Times

In new Court filing, Gavin Newsom “turns the table” on GOP in defense of Proposition 50. Will it work?

Yesterday Gavin Newsom and his associates met the deadline to file their oppositions in Federal Court in Los Angeles to the constitutional challenge to the partisan gerrymander of California’s 52 Congressional seats, and pulled no punches in their strategy to reverse the pressure of the lawsuit with their opening line, which quotes a communication from the Plaintiff California Republican Party (likely used in fundraising against the measure during the special election campaign) as essentially an “admission against interest.” “This special election is about one thing and one thing only: Democrats want to GUARANTEE a Democrat House majority,” citing to the CAGOP. Of course, partisan gerrymandering so far is legal, so the quote complains of a dastardly but still legal political action. It is racial gerrymandering that is not legal. Both things could be present in Proposition 50, but the measure will only be illegal if the facts show racial gerrymandering was employed as a key reason in drawing the lines. Newsom wants the three-judge panel in Los Angeles, who will hear the case at trial on December 15, to focus on the partisanship motivating Proposition 50, which is legal under current law, and not the facts the Plaintiffs will offer that race was used in drawing some or all of the districts, which is illegal.

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Newsom’s opposition is 55 pages of argument and includes attached exhibits such as a report from Bernard Grofman, PhD, a Democratic expert on redistricting who teaches at U.C. Irvine, (117 pages), and Joanna Southard (84 pages). Separate oppositions were also filed yesterday by Defendant-Intervenors Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and LULAC. (The filings by the DCCC and LULAC were allowed by the court but technically, curiously so, since they have been granted Defendant-Intervenor status, but have not “answered” the Complaint yet and have won a stipulation that they don’t have to do so till next January, when much of the judicial review may actually be over in the case.)

Newsom’s brief drills into the point that “Proposition 50’s partisan aim was no secret and expected to empower Democrats to flip five California Congressional seats currently held by Republicans – exactly the result the Legislature intended.” Such a statement to the Court is as true as it is crass and from the perspective of a person who thinks electoral lines should be drawn in a fair and neutral way to advance a competitive and representative Democracy, it is a sickening admission, but a legal one.

Click here to read the full article at James V. Lacy’s Substack

Anaheim becomes second OC city wanting to join federal immigration raids lawsuit

Anaheim wants to join a federal lawsuit challenging alleged unconstitutional immigration stops and raids after widespread immigration enforcement that began in June saw many detained throughout the city.

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The City Council, in closed session on Tuesday night, July 22, approved seeking to join the lawsuit. Anaheim would be the second city in Orange County to take part after Santa Ana’s leaders last week approved joining the class action lawsuit.

“We are standing with our community with this action,” said Mayor Ashleigh Aitken in a statement. “Indiscriminate and inhumane immigration enforcement has left residents in fear, businesses without customers and our community and economy shaken. Anaheim has met this moment with aid for families, access to legal resources and critical information for our community.”

“This is our next step — we are asking the courts to weigh in and address the hurtful impacts we have seen and the damage brought to real people across Anaheim.”

A judge would need to approve Anaheim’s request to join the lawsuit.

Anaheim has not seen major enforcement action since July 9, according to a news release from the city.

Five workers in Los Angeles County, along with four organizations, filed the lawsuit in early July. It challenges the Department of Homeland Security and other federal agencies’ “policies and practices” when conducting immigration raids, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California, one of the plaintiffs.

The judge overseeing the case on July 11 issued a temporary restraining order that prohibits immigration agents from stopping people without reasonable suspicion or a warrant.

Federal agents, according to the ACLU, have been conducting “roving patrols” and stopping people without any specific information. The temporary restraining order does not prevent agents from approaching people with their consent or when they have specific information indicating that the person is violating federal law.

Day laborer pickup locations, including Home Depot stores, have become central sites of immigration enforcement, along with car washes, according to the lawsuit. Immigration enforcement officers have detained day laborers at Home Depots in Santa Ana and Costa Mesa.

“As often happens when agencies adopt a pattern and practice of racial profiling, among those most vulnerable have been individuals whose work makes them a visible target in public spaces,” according to the lawsuit.

Gov. Gavin Newsom then said the order would put a temporary stop to immigration officials “violating people’s rights and racial profiling.”

DHS Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs Tricia McLaughlin, in a statement, denied that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers racially profile.

“Any claims that individuals have been ‘targeted’ by law enforcement because of their skin color are disgusting and categorically FALSE,” McLaughlin said. “These type of smears are designed to demonize and villainize our brave ICE law enforcement.”

Click here to read the full article in the OC Register

Schools have 10 days to comply with Trump anti-DEI policy or face losing federal funds

  • A new memo from the U.S. Department of Education demands that state and school districts certify that they have complied with an order to end diversity efforts.
  • The Trump administration is taking another step to make good on its threat to end federal funding for school districts and states that don’t comply with his executive orders.

The Trump administration has ratcheted up pressure on K-12 schools in California and across the nation to eliminate diversity, equity and inclusion practices by giving districts and states a deadline of 10 days to certify their compliance or risk losing all federal funding.

Although federal funding for education is challenging to calculate and arrives through multiple channels, some tallies put the figure at $16.3 billion per year in California — including money for school meals, students with disabilities and early education Head Start programs. The Los Angeles Unified School District has estimated that it receives about $1.26 billion a year.

Trump and his appointees have repeatedly threatened state and local officials with federal funding cuts if they don’t abide by his executive orders and by his administration’s legal interpretations.

The Thursday memo follows a Feb. 14 letter in which the U.S. Department of Education told all K-12 school districts and higher education institutions to end the consideration of race in “admissions, hiring, promotion, compensation, financial aid, scholarships, prizes, administrative support, discipline, housing, graduation ceremonies, and all other aspects of student, academic, and campus life.”

The February letter laid out a new federal anti-discrimination enforcement policy, threatening to pull federal dollars from schools that do not fall in line. Since then, many colleges and universities in California and throughout the country have eliminated diversity efforts, typically referred to as DEI, scrubbing references from their websites.

The Thursday memo takes the threats to funding one step further: demanding that education leaders sign a document saying they have eliminated DEI programming.

“Federal financial assistance is a privilege, not a right,” Craig Trainor, acting assistant secretary for civil rights, said in a statement. He said many schools have flouted their legal obligations, “including by using DEI programs to discriminate against one group of Americans to favor another.”

On Thursday morning, various state and local officials said they were assessing the memo. A spokesperson for the California Department of Education provided a preliminary reaction.

“While we are continuing to review this morning’s letter, it appears to be yet another attempt to impose a national ideology on local schools by threatening to withhold vital resources for students,” said Elizabeth Sanders. “Regardless of this or any letter, we hold firm that basic needs of our nation’s children must not become bargaining chips.”

Another comment came from Tanya Ortiz Franklin, an elected board member of the L.A. Unified School District.

“Instead of wasting the time … collecting signatures, the federal government should be focused on maintaining and executing the level of support our most vulnerable students require from the country that will soon depend on their educated leadership,” Franklin said.

Click here to read the full article in the LA Times

California vs. Trump: What it’s like to be the attorneys on the front lines

  • Although critics have bemoaned the Democratic response to President Trump as inept, California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta’s office has been working around the clock to fight Trump’s policies in court, with some success.

Michael Newman, head of the civil rights enforcement section in California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta’s office, was exhausted.

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Newman and his legal team had just worked all weekend, straight through that Monday and overnight into Tuesday on a growing pile of legal challenges to the Trump administration, and were overdue for some sleep.

But on his drive home, he was alerted that the administration “cut half the Department of Education’s workforce,” Newman said. “And it’s like, ‘OK, well … That’s not happening.’”

The team went back to work, along with others in Bonta’s office, and by Thursday joined with other Democrat-led states to file a new lawsuit to block the firings.

“That’s kind of an idea of what life is like for the litigators,” Newman said. “Just when you think it’s safe to log off from your laptop, you get the text that [says], ‘Did you see this newest order that just came out?’”

For months now, President Trump’s pace of pronouncements, executive orders and dramatic policy shifts has been so swift, their reach so sweeping, that many Trump critics have felt overwhelmed and alarmed. They have also bemoaned the Democratic response as inept, haphazard and ineffective, particularly in Congress.

But since Trump’s January inauguration, attorneys in Bonta’s office — and in the offices of Democratic attorneys general nationwide — have been in an all-out sprint to keep up and push back. They’ve been carefully planning for even longer, including by reviewing litigation from Trump’s first term; listening to Trump’s promises on the campaign trail; assessing lawsuits against the Biden administration by conservative states; and culling through Project 2025, the controversial game plan for the president’s second term.

The result has been a rapid-fire slate of lawsuits challenging Trump’s policies, including his order purporting to end birthright citizenship for the American-born children of immigrants, his attempt to cut off trillions of dollars in federal funding already appropriated by Congress for programs in California and across the country, and his firing of federal probationary employees in veterans programs, national parks and other agencies.

They also have sued to block cuts to National Institutes of Health funding for universities and other research institutions, the termination of K-12 teacher training and preparation grants, billionaire Elon Musk’s informal but prominent role in federal government and access to sensitive data by his Department of Government Efficiency, which is not a real government agency.

In addition to their own lawsuits, Bonta and other Democratic attorneys general have supported challenges to Trump administration attacks on transgender service members, refugees, immigrants, a National Labor Relations Board official, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau and law firms that have angered Trump with their legal work.

Click here to read the full article in the LA Times

DWP secures law firm, at up to $1,975 an hour, to defend against Palisades fire lawsuits

Faced with a deluge of litigation from the Palisades fire, the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power approved a three-year, $10-million contract with a top law firm to defend the utility.

The Board of Water and Power, which is made up of mayoral appointees, voted Tuesday to retain the L.A. firm Munger, Tolles & Olson to investigate anticipated claims related to the fire and respond to lawsuits from residents whose homes were destroyed or damaged.

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Although the firm is to be paid by DWP, it was selected by L.A. City Atty. Hydee Feldstein Soto.

Under the deal, partners at the firm will charge the utility up to $1,975 per hour for their legal work. Associates will bill from $745 to $1,180 per hour. A spokesperson for Feldstein Soto said this “discounted rate structure” was among the factors that led to the selection of the firm.

Although the agreement was formally approved this week, Munger, Tolles & Olson began representing the city on Jan. 12, five days after the Palisades fire broke out, destroying nearly 7,000 homes and other structures and killing at least 12.

The swift hiring of the law firm contrasts sharply with DWP’s pace in finding a contractor to repair the Santa Ynez Reservoir, a 117-million-gallon water storage complex in the Palisades that was empty during the Palisades fire. Utility workers found a tear in the reservoir’s floating cover in January 2024 and emptied it a few months later in preparation for repairs.

Why the reservoir was taken offline, and why it has remained out of service for so long, is likely to be a major part of Munger Tolles’ work. DWP has pointed to the competitive bidding process for the repairs as among the reasons for the delay. The law firm is also expected to defend against claims about fire hydrants running dry.

Karen Richardson, another spokesperson for Feldstein Soto, said in an email that the law firm was retained for several reasons, including its specialized expertise and the DWP’s “pressing need” for representation during an emergency. The city attorney’s office interviewed three law firms before selecting Munger Tolles, Richardson said.

In a memo discussing the firm’s scope of work, DWP Chief Executive Janisse Quiñones and general counsel Benjamin Chapman noted that Munger, Tolles & Olson lawyers have handled lawsuits related to several large wildfires.

As part of the massive litigation from the 2023 fires in Maui, about 75 Munger Tolles staffers and lawyers helped represent Hawaiian Electric Industries and Hawaiian Electric Co., according to the law firm’s website. Those lawsuits were ultimately settled for more than $4 billion, although the payouts have been held up after insurance companies opposed the deal.

Munger Tolles also represented Pacific Gas & Electric Co. in connection with the 2018 Camp fire, which destroyed the town of Paradise and left 84 people dead. PG&E ultimately pleaded guilty to 84 counts of involuntary manslaughter. Munger Tolles also represented the utility in regulatory matters and litigation arising from the fire.

In their memo, the DWP officials wrote that wildfires involving utilities “require aggressive and thorough investigation and defense on multiple fronts,” with numerous claims brought by individuals and insurance companies. Seeking out significant prior experience, they wrote, was “proper and prudent.”

Munger Tolles was also chosen because of its presence in L.A., Feldstein Soto spokesperson Ivor Pine said.

A spokesperson for the law firm, which also represents Southern California Edison, declined to comment, referring The Times to the city attorney’s office.

Munger Tolles partner Daniel Levin will serve as the point person for day-to-day work on the DWP cases. He was part of the team defending the city of L.A. in a lawsuit that accused the city of creating affordable housing that was not accessible to people with disabilities.

That long-running suit was settled in August, with the city agreeing to pay $40 million. For that case, Munger Tolles partners billed $1,045 to $1,245 per hour, according to a 2024 rate sheet reviewed by The Times.

Click here to read the full article in the LA Times

California Gov. Gavin Newsom signs bills to defend immigrants and sue President Donald Trump

A pair of bills to fund lawsuits against the Trump administration and defend immigrants from deportation became law when Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the legislation on Friday afternoon. The state Legislature, controlled by Newsom’s fellow Democrats, passed the bills early last week, ending a special session that Newsom called in December.

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The fate of one of the bills to provide $25 million for nonprofits that defend immigrants from deportation and represent them in other immigration proceedings was in question last week. Republicans sought an amendment barring immigrants with serious criminal histories from receiving legal support with the new funds, but fell short of the needed votes.

Democrats led by Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas instead signed a “letter of legislative intent” — which doesn’t have much legal value — stating that the funds aren’t intended to help immigrants with serious or violent crime convictions.

Newsom said in an accompanying letter Friday afternoon that those legal services programs “are vital to safeguarding the civil rights of California’s most vulnerable residents, including people with disabilities, youth who are homeless, victims of human trafficking and wage theft, people facing unlawful evictions, immigrants and more.”

But the governor in his letter also stressed that “none of the funding in this bill is intended to be used for immigration-related services for noncitizens convicted of serious or violent felonies,” echoing lawmakers’ letter of legislative intent.

The governor’s letter also asked lawmakers to clarify that the funds are supposed to support Californians with Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals status, known as “dreamers.” Other intended uses of the funds are to help seek immigration “remedies” for immigrants having trouble with their legal status and to help immigrants become citizens, the letter said.

The other bill that Newsom signed Friday hands out $25 million more to the state Department of Justice for lawsuits against the new administration of President Donald Trump. The department, led by Democratic Attorney General Rob Bonta, already has sued the department to challenge Trump’s historic attempts to end birthright citizenship and freeze potentially trillions in federal spending.

On Friday, Bonta filed a lawsuit to block billionaire Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency from accessing federal payment systems that contain Americans’ sensitive personal information.

Click here to read the full article in the SBSun

Trump’s crooked lawyers are reason to reform the field

Three recent guilty pleas show the crucial role attorneys played in the plot to overturn the election.

Over the last two weeks, Jenna Ellis, Kenneth Chesebro and Sidney Powell, three lawyers central to Donald Trump’s attempt to overturn the 2020 election, pleaded guilty in the Georgia racketeering case against the former president and 18 co-defendants. All admitted significantly lesser crimes than charged and escaped prison time.

Prosecutors may be more interested in Trump himself, but the lenient plea deals fail to comport with the culpability of these and other lawyers in Trump’s plot against the election. Eight attorneys were indicted in the Georgia case, and the federal indictment of Trump in the Jan. 6 plot includes five attorneys as unindicted co-conspirators, unnamed but identifiable as Powell, Chesebro, Rudolph W. Giuliani, John Eastman and Jeffrey Clark.

Lawyers weren’t just involved in Trump’s plot; they devised and enabled it. Lawyers developed the strategies, manufactured a faux constitutional crisis and manipulated legal requirements in the effort to keep Trump in power and give his attempted coup the trappings of legality and legitimacy.

Only lawyers could have performed these services.

It was clear that Trump had lost the 2020 election by early December of that year. But rather than accurately advise him that there were no further legal options, Chesebro circulated a memo outlining a plan that would circumvent court losses, subvert states’ certified electors and allow Trump to win. What could transform defeat into victory? The lawyer’s craft: manipulation of law and fact.

Tellingly, the attorney co-conspirators have protested that they were just providing legal advice. Before her tearful guilty plea on Tuesday, Ellis asserted that the Georgia indictment was “criminalizing the practice of law.” Chesebro once contended that their advice was simply “the kind of war-gaming that attorneys do.”

Despite these lawyers’ readiness to help Trump overturn the election, the judiciary had proved fairly impervious to his assault of over 60 postelection lawsuits. That wasn’t happenstance. Lawyers are required by the rules of procedure and professional conduct to have a reasonable basis in law and fact for anything they submit in court. They also have a duty of candor to the court requiring them to identify controlling contrary arguments.

But attorneys’ advice to clients has been treated differently. Lawyers violate the rules on advice only if they “counsel a client to engage, or assist a client, in conduct that the lawyer knows is criminal or fraudulent.” That means lawyers can even advise clients to engage in illegal conduct as long as they don’t know it’s criminal or fraudulent. Moreover, lawyers are not required to have a reasonable basis in law and fact for their advice or to identify contrary precedents.

This is particularly problematic in the context of legal advice to government officials regarding the use of their power. Such advice shapes the use and abuse of government authority, which belongs not to officeholders but to the people.

With the exception of Clark, who worked for the Justice Department, the implicated attorneys were private-sector practitioners advising the president. Because they didn’t formally work for the government, they weren’t bound by federal regulation of government attorneys or the entity rule, under which a government lawyer has a duty to the government itself and not merely an official.

Even when advising Trump as to the use of government power, these private attorneys had no duty to anyone but Trump. Consequently, they acted entirely in Trump’s personal interests, bending law and fact to his interests, even against the interests of the government and people.

Take the false elector scheme outlined in Chesebro’s Dec. 6 memo. Eastman, Giuliani and Ellis would all join Chesebro in advising or implementing the plan, with Eastman drafting his own now infamousmemos. The plan was to recruit fake electors in seven states and assert that Vice President Mike Pence had the power to refuse to count the supposedly disputed electoral slates.

Chesebro emailed detailed instructions for the false electors for each state to make sure they cast their votes in the manner set out by law and provided counterfeit elector certificates to print and sign. The idea that this technical “compliance” with law would somehow render these slates legal would be laughable if it weren’t so dangerous. Chesebro had the phony electors sign certifications that they were “the duly elected and qualified Electors” from those states, which theyemphatically were not.

These electoral slates were a machination that the lawyers treated as fact and the basis for their advice that “7 states” had “transmitted dual slates of electors.” In fact, not a single state or authorized representative had created or certified these slates. Eastman nevertheless advised, “The fact that we have multiple slates of electors demonstrates the uncertainty of either,” lending the counterfeit slates the same efficacy as those certified by the states. This advice would have usurped the states’ constitutional power to elect the president and given it to the federal executive branch.

The attorneys’ advice also incorporated the false assertions that the election was stolen or fraudulent. Attorneys promoting a radical scheme to disenfranchise more than 26 million voters had a duty to ensure that their advice was grounded in fact.

Most government officials have at least qualified immunity for actions taken in carrying out their duties. Knowing that officials might not be held accountable for their actions should compel lawyers to act with even greater fidelity to both fact and law when advising government clients. Preposterously, Trump is now asserting immunity for “organizing” the false electors.

If lawyers can manipulate law and fact to justify whatever a government official wants, then official immunities can become a license for oppression, abuse and lawlessness backed by the full weight of government power.

Trump certainly wanted to stay in power at all costs and refused the counsel of many good lawyers and advisors who told him he had lost. But what if Chesebro, Eastman, Ellis and Giuliani had told him the same thing?

Trump would have had nowhere to go. He could not have come up with the false elector scheme on his own. He could have fired off angry tweets, ranted at rallies and thrown dishes and ketchup, but he couldn’t have undermined the electoral process without the lawyers who crafted the plan.

And without the phony electors, none of the efforts to use them to undo Joe Biden’s victory would have occurred: no pressuring of Pence to reject the votes, no rally in Washington to “encourage” him in that direction and no storming of the Capitol.

State bars can begin to respond to these glaring deficiencies by enacting professional conduct rules for lawyers advising government officials, including private lawyers. These rules should specify that lawyers owe a duty to the public to uphold the integrity of our constitutional system and the office being advised. The rules must require lawyers to have a good-faith basis in both law and fact for their advice. And state bars should discipline lawyers who don’t.

Click here to read the full article in the LA Times

Will Swaim: In Public Schools We Trust?

For fans of dark comedy, California politics is as good as any entertainment – shot through with grim irony, corrupt politicians, and laughable hypocrisy. Consider Attorney General Rob Bonta’s legal campaign to crush the practice of seven school districts to notify parents before gender-transitioning their children. 

Parent notification, as it’s called, “places transgender and gender nonconforming students in danger of imminent, irreparable harm from the consequences of forced disclosures,” Bonta asserted in announcing his lawsuit against Chino Valley Unified, the first of the districts to adopt the policy. “These students are currently under threat of being outed to their parents or guardians against their express wishes and will.”

Translation: Parents are a danger to their own children, and school employees must be trusted to guide K-12 kids through puberty without parental interference.

Meantime, however – and here’s your irony alert – Los Angeles Unified School District officials say their budget is in chaos because of multi-million-dollar settlements with children sexually assaulted by teachers and other school employees. 

Speaking to the LAUSD board on Wednesday, Chief Business Officer David Hart raised the alarm over “certain liabilities . . . with regards to, you know, heinous activities of adults with children is the simplest way to put that. We were surprised by the amounts that we were compelled to set aside.”

One of those surprises came 24 hours before Hart’s red-flag warning. On Tuesday, LAUSD announced that it had settled for $7.9 million yet another sex assault claim involving “heinous acts” of teachers with their students.

Contrary to Hart’s assessment, none of this is surprising says John Manly, the linebacker-sized Southern California trial attorney and former Navy intelligence officer who has hunted child predators and won staggering settlements for their victims. 

Manly built his brand on eye-popping showdowns with the molestation scandal in the Catholic Church, including a record-setting $660 million settlement against the Archdiocese of Los Angeles in 2007. He negotiated similar settlements with the Diocese of Orange ($6.9 million), the Oregon-based Society of Jesus ($50 million), and the Diocese of Delaware (a $77 million settlement).

It’s not just a Catholic thing for Manly. His firm also represented female gymnasts in the successful case against Michigan State University and U.S. Olympic Team doctor Larry Nasser. He represented 234 plaintiffs in the case against former USC gynecologist George Tyndall. 

In California’s K-12 schools, Manly sees all the conditions for more multi-million-dollar sex-assault settlements – vulnerable young people, activist teachers protected by their politically powerful union, and, most important, a culture of official secrecy. Balanced against the suddenly popular Parent Notification policy is the state Department of Education’s guidance: school officials, including teachers, must hide students’ gender orientation from their own parents. 

“With rare exceptions,” the department says, “schools are required to respect the limitations that a student places on the disclosure of their transgender status, including not sharing that information with the student’s parents.”

That sort of secrecy has created “a horror show,” Manly says. “I’ve handled hundreds of public-school cases, and in the majority of those, perpetrators of molestation told their victims, ‘This is our secret. Don’t tell your parents. Don’t tell adults. Don’t tell anybody.’” 

If you doubt him, Manly asks that you recall the story of Mark Berndt, the Los Angeles elementary school teacher who molested at least 71 third graders over several decades, cresting in a campaign of assault between 2009-2011. Berndt’s crimes were remarkable for many reasons, but perhaps especially because Berndt meticulously photographed them – and then left the film for development at his local CVS store where a clerk who saw the photos alerted local police. The photos depict Berndt feeding cookies to his victims – cookies topped with his own semen. A connoisseur of bondage-and-discipline, Berndt blindfolded and bound some of his diminutive victims’ hands with tape and photographed them in sexualized poses. He placed live cockroaches on the children’s faces. A Sheriff’s investigation said his “highly assaulting” attacks included touching girls’ genitalia and exposing himself to his students. 

When confronted with the evidence against him, Berndt, then 61, refused to resign; he knew that his teacher union contract made it nearly impossible to fire a teacher, even a teacher convicted of serious felonies involving students. Berndt ultimately agreed to quit, but only after squeezing Los Angeles Unified School District officials for a $40,000 payoff. When Berndt learned that felony convictions might imperil his pension, the United Teachers of Los Angeles union contract saved him again. Berndt would continue to earn about $4,000 per month (plus cost-of-living adjustments) while serving his 25-year sentence. 

At trial, Manly, showed that LAUSD officials knew that Berndt was trouble years before but did nothing. Their nonchalance cost the district $139 million to settle legal claims with 69 parents and 81 students.

Berndt was unique only in the bizarre superficialities of his violence. Manly can tick off a list of similar teacher-involved horrors without reference to notes. There was the Redlands Unified School District high school teacher who seduced a 16-year-old boy. She swore him to secrecy and, when she discovered she was pregnant, demanded that the boy carry out his fatherly duties. The district settled the family’s claim for $6 million in 2016. In 2018, the same district paid $15.7 million to settle three other sex-abuse lawsuits involving eight children. In May 2018, nearby Torrance Unified School District paid $31 million to settle the claims of eight former students who said they were molested by their wrestling coach. That same month, the Corona-Norco Unified School District paid $3 million to a special-education student raped by a teacher’s aide for two years beginning when she was just 11.

The catalog of abuse goes on and on, though you’d never know it from listening to state officials fixed on the unfailing virtue of public-school teachers and the universal danger posed by homicidal parents – “extremists,” Bonta calls them. At Irvine’s University High, Sacramento’s Mark Twain Elementary, San Diego’s upscale La Jolla High School – search any California school district (Santa Barbara, Redding, California’s Central Valley) and you’ll discover that sexual violence against children is rampant and unfolding behind a wall of official secrecy.

“The common thread [between the Catholic Church and public-school scandals] is secrecy,” Manly says. “You’re telling kids to keep sexual secrets, including gender issues, from their parents. It’s a bad idea. I’m telling you, sending that message to kids is a very, very bad idea. I can’t tell you how many more cases there will be where adults are telling children – their victims – ‘This is our secret.’”

What would he recommend?

“You need a policy where children aren’t told to keep secrets from their parents or other caregivers,” Manly says.

That “policy” sounds like the Parent Notification policy now gaining purchase in local school districts – the policy Rob Bonta is suing to stop. But even if that policy survives California’s notoriously progressive courts, it will come too late for the scores of kids already raped and otherwise sexually abused by schoolteachers – perps whom Newsom, Bonta, Thurmond and teacher union leaders would prefer we forget. 

State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond echoed Bonta’s claims, declaring that the Parent Notification policy “may not only fall outside of privacy laws but may put our students at risk.” Hyperventilating reporters routinely call the policy “forced outing” of “at-risk youth” in stories that feature academics who assert (as UCLA law professor Jody Herman did) that Parent Notification “gambles” with children’s lives. Leaders of the California Teachers Association have seized on Bonta’s legal filing is their license to flout the local policies and to conduct business as usual. They’re telling California’s 315,000 teachers that law and public safety allow – indeed, require – them to ignore the parent notification policy. 

If Bonta & Co. succeed in crushing the Parent Notification policy, the abuse will continue. Business will boom for attorneys like Manly. 

Soon after we spoke, Manly texted me with good news: he was celebrating yet another settlement in the case of the Redlands Unified teacher who became pregnant after raping her 16-year-old student. “That’s almost $46 million collected to date against Redlands Unified,” he said.

The key phrase is “to date.” 

“We’ve identified 14 other teacher perpetrators in Redlands since then – five convicted and two to be indicted presently.” Those cases include “50-plus victims,” he says. 

Click here to read the full article in the OC Register

‘Failing to Produce’: San Diego is Paying Hundreds of Thousands of Dollars to Settle Public-Records Lawsuits — With More Coming

The Union-Tribune reviewed more than 20 lawsuits filed in the past five years that accused the city of failing to comply with the state open-records law.

The city of San Diego has paid more than $240,000 in attorney fees and court costs since the start of last year for denying California Public Records Act requests — and more judgments are likely coming soon.

In case after case, the city paid to settle allegations that officials improperly withheld documents, wrongly insisted there were no records or simply did not follow the law.

“The city violated the California Public Records Act by failing to produce at least one responsive, non-exempt public record,” Judge Eddie Sturgeon wrote in one February ruling, after considering the merits of a lawsuit brought by San Diegans for Open Government.

In that proceeding alone, Sturgeon awarded the watchdog group represented by San Diego attorney Cory Briggs more than $33,000 in legal fees and court costs.

The San Diego Union-Tribune reviewed almost two dozen lawsuits filed in the past five years that accused San Diego or other local jurisdictionsof failing to comply with the state open-records law by claiming unjustified exemptions or denying there were any documents to release.

All but two were lodged against San Diego.

It’s possible the number of alleged violations is even higher. As a public agency, the city is involved in hundreds of lawsuits a year; the legal complaints must be reviewed individually to determine whether they allege mishandling of Public Records Act requests.

The allegations do not represent hugely significant costs for a municipality that raises and spends more than $2 billion a year.

But experts say San Diego’s habit of rejecting Public Records Act requests is troubling because scrutinizing government documents, recordings and other material is one of the most important checks and balances on elected and appointed officials.

“Citizens have a right to know how their government operates,” said Dean Nelson, who directs the journalism program at Point Loma Nazarene University. “That’s part of being in a democratic society.

“Laws like the public-records mandates are guarantees that we can see how our officials are conducting themselves and how they are spending our money,” he said.

A spokesperson for San Diego City Attorney Mara Elliott said the city has paid $242,000 since Jan. 1, 2021, for public-records cases brought against the city. Three of those cases were lost at trial; eight others were settled out of court.

The costs are in line with costs experienced by other large cities, the office said, but Elliott is nonetheless committed to finding ways to reduce those expenses and to make sure people get the material to which they are entitled.

“The process can always be improved,” spokesperson Leslie Wolf Branscomb said by email.

“The city attorney’s office has offered global solutions since at least December 2019, when the city attorney first advocated for a centralized office under the mayor that would coordinate city response to CPRA requests to provide information to the public with greater speed, consistency, and accuracy.”

In a court appearance earlier this month, a lawyer for the city complained that Public Records Act lawsuits “are becoming such a drain on city resources.”

“We have done everything we can,” Deputy City Attorney Erin Dillon told Judge Joel Wohlfeil during a hearing called to debate whether Briggs should be paid $600 or $750 for each hour he spent winning an open-records case.

“We admitted our mistake,” she added. “And Mr. Briggs continues to insist on discovery. It rewards this sort of brinksmanship and tactics.”

Like most plaintiffs’ lawyers, Briggs relies on the legal process of discovery — collecting internal documents and conducting depositions — to support allegations in their complaints.

The city of San Diego is not alone in failing to comply with the California Public Records Act.

Chula Vista is now litigating a lawsuit filed over video records from its police department’s drone program that officials have refused to release. San Diego County recently resolved a claim over documents requested for a regional law enforcement program.

But the complaints piling up against the city of San Diego are especially notable in light of the city’s past effort to make accessing public records more difficult.

At Elliott’s request, state Sen Ben Hueso, D-San Diego, introduced a bill in early 2019 that would have required people filing requests to “meet and confer” with agencies to discuss their requests before they are fulfilled.

The legislation also would have required plaintiffs to prove a public agency “knowingly, willfully and without substantial justification failed to respond to a request for records” to prevail in any lawsuit.

The bill was vilified by good-government advocates and others who worried that it would kneecap the public’s ability to monitor their governments and would shield public officials and agencies from liability.

Hueso withdrew the bill weeks after it began generating broad statewide criticism.

“The Public Records Act is an essential component of California’s strong commitment to open government and transparency,” the senator said in announcing his change of heart.

‘Intentionally withheld’

The city of San Diego receives thousands of records requests every year, more than 6,000 so far this year.

They come from lawyers, journalists, researchers, insurance companies and everyday citizens, people who are seeking everything from billing reports and arrest data to employee emails and other internal communications.

Like many jurisdictions, San Diego operates an online portal system that residents may use to submit requests, although the law says people can ask for documents any way they like. Agencies have 10 days to provide the records or explain why it will take additional time.

The law also requires the city to help people refine requests to get them what they want.

The Public Records Act contains a handful of exceptions that allow the government to legally withhold some documents. Those include the attorney-client privilege and the more subjective finding that the public interest is better served by keeping certain records secret.

Exemption claims by San Diego officials are behind many of the lawsuits filed against the city.

In February 2021, for example, San Diego taxpayer and resident Joshua Billauer submitted a request for any writings “directed to, received or reviewed by, or sent or created” by a supervisor in the Development Services Department over the prior four months.

The city released some documents over the next several months, but Billauer suspected there were other records that were being withheld. He sued, accusing the city of failing to conduct a thorough search for the documents and refusing to disclose others.

The “city intentionally withheld the public records responsive to the CPRA request prior to the commencement of this lawsuit,” the legal complaint said.

City officials denied the allegations, citing the attorney-client privilege exemption, and a hearing is scheduled for next month.

In other cases, San Diego has insisted there were no records responsive to a particular request only to be proved wrong through the exchange of documents and testimony in advance of any trial.

Last year, for example, after La Prensa San Diego publisher Arturo Castanaras sought communications from a specific city employee, officials initially rejected the request because it was filed by his attorney, Briggs, rather than by Castanaras.

When that tactic failed, court records show, the city argued that the documents were being withheld under the attorney-client privilege and because the public interest in non-disclosure outweighed the public interest in releasing them.

After Judge Ronald Frazier directed the city to provide him the disputed records so he could determine whether they should be released, the city adopted another position.

“(The) city has now submitted a declaration stating, contrary to the city’s initial response, that no documents were withheld on the grounds of attorney-client privilege or on any other ground,” the judge ruled last month in ordering the records released.

Castanaras has filed no fewer than eight public-records lawsuits in recent years and won the majority of those that have been decided. He said public officials leave him no choice but to take his claims to court when his requests are denied.

“Either they are so incompetent that none of their CPRA responses should be believed — and everybody should be concerned about that, or they are only doing it to me and forcing me to file lawsuits to get documents that I am entitled to,” he said.

The La Prensa San Diego publisher, who has been a sharp critic of San Diego city leaders in both stories and editorials, said he does not believe the failed responses are the result of innocent mistakes.

“There are some very good attorneys in the city attorney’s office,” Castanaras said. “This is a systematic way to limit the public’s access to public documents.”

$600 an hour

For years, Briggs said, he managed a thriving practice specializing in environmental law, challenging development permits, environmental impact reports and land-use policies.

But at least 15 years ago, after discovery turned up documents that had been initially denied, he said he began filing open-records violations before proceeding with legal challenges to environmental-impact reports or general plan amendments.

“These (development) deals are all hatched before the public sees the consequences,” Briggs said. “At that point, I started exercising my rights under the open-government laws.”

It did not take long for clients to begin seeking him out for help with document requests. He has filed dozens of records cases in the past decade-plus on behalf of individuals and San Diegans for Open Government.

“Most agencies are all the same when it’s on topics that are controversial — they all try to hide it,” said Briggs, who unsuccessfully challenged Elliott in her 2020 re-election bid.

“Where San Diego is different, as you can tell by the cases, is they simply refuse to admit that they withheld documents or they didn’t do a proper search — until the person in the black robe says so,” he said.

David Loy is the legal director at the First Amendment Coalition, an open-government advocacy group based in Marin County. He said public agencies should never lose lawsuits over government records because they should not be violating the law in the first place.

“The Public Records Act is supposed to be the cornerstone of governmental accountability and transparency,” Loy said. “So if the government is forcing you to sue to enforce that, at some level the public has already lost.”

The nonprofit legal director said governments, like most businesses and organizations, should maintain an efficient and effective records-keeping program.

“The solutions to these problems are not rocket science,” Loy said. “Document control is a standard feature of any large bureaucracy. The other question is: They have the documents — and are they wrongly asserting exemptions?”

Click here to read the full article at the SD Union Tribune